A Research Framework for the Archaeology of Wales0
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Early Medieval
EARLY MEDIEVAL WALES:
A FRAMEWORK FOR ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCH
Nancy Edwards,1 Alan Lane,2 Ian Bapty,3 Mark Redknap4
INTRODUCTION
The early medieval period in Wales (c AD 400-1070), spanning the centuries between
the end of Roman rule and the coming of the Normans, embodies a process of
fundamental social, political and economic transition from which – in language,
human landscapes, culture and belief – the recognisable beginnings of Wales itself
first emerged. Yet it is still a period about which we know remarkably little
archaeologically and the evidence to date leaves many of the most fundamental
questions unanswered. The documentary sources, though they are also notoriously
sparse and frequently difficult to interpret, continue to provide a basic chronological
framework. However, historical questions have tended to frame our knowledge or
lack of it and have often been seen to drive the archaeological research agenda. Thus,
the end of Roman imperial control, Irish settlement in the west, the establishment of
distinct regional kingdoms, the emergence and ideological triumph of Christianity,
increasing Anglo-Saxon pressure in the east, the Viking impact, Anglo-Norman
conquest and the Welsh response, provide datable, or otherwise, markers to what
might be expected to be major changes, if indeed they are recognisable in the
archaeological record. The impact these factors had on the population, settlement and
land use are for archaeology to answer.
1
Department of History and Welsh History, University of Wales, Bangor, Gwynedd, LL57 2DG.
2
School of History and Archaeology, Cardiff University, PO Box 909, Cardiff, CF10 3NU.
3
Clwyd-Powys Archaeological Trust, 7A Church St, Welshpool, Powys, SY21 7DL.
4
Department of Archaeology and Numismatics, National Museum & Gallery Cardiff, Cathays Park,
Cardiff, CF10 3NP.
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The aim of this paper is to provide an archaeological research framework for the early
medieval period in Wales, which we would expect to be refined in the light of new
work and fresh debates. The process for the archaeology of Wales as a whole was
initiated in a conference held by IFA Wales/Cymru in 2001 (Briggs 2003), though this
failed to include a paper on the early middle ages, the only period of Welsh
archaeology not to be represented. Following this conference the four Welsh
Archaeological Trusts were funded by Cadw to compile regional resource audits and
from the data identified a research assessment was initiated. In autumn 2002 four
regional seminars were held at which papers on the early medieval period were
included (Bapty 2003; Edwards 2003; Lane 2003; Redknap 2003). These were
followed up in May 2003 with a seminar hosted by the Early Medieval Wales
Archaeology Research Group in association with the National Museum & Gallery
Cardiff; the fruits of this discussion have been incorporated into this pan-Wales paper.
A short paper (Bapty 2004) was included in a national seminar in September 2004 on
the development of a research agenda and a research strategy for all periods of Welsh
archaeology. However, it was thought that the problems of identifying the
archaeology of the early medieval period in Wales and a research strategy for their
possible solution merited more extensive consideration.
SETTLEMENT ARCHAEOLOGY
The settlement evidence for the early medieval centuries is poor throughout most of
western and northern Britain. A few areas, in particular those with alkaline sand
deposits such as the Hebrides or Orkney, have exceptional preservation but otherwise
settlements, houses and artefacts are difficult to recognise and poorly understood.
These problems affect substantial parts of upland England as well. After the relative
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richness and visibility of the Roman period the rarity of distinctive artefacts and
settlements poses immediate problems. Wales, like much of the rest of Britain, has no
native ceramic tradition in the first millennium AD; consequently site recognition and
dating by field walking, even when following up on cropmarks, is virtually
impossible.
Strengths
It is difficult to talk in terms of strengths regarding the settlement archaeology of early
medieval Wales. The number of dated sites remains tiny. A small group of hillforts
has been known since the 1960s largely on the basis of imported ceramics and glass
and, more rarely, metal and other diagnostic objects (Alcock 1963b). However only a
handful of sites has been added in the subsequent forty years and those originally
listed because they had VCP, now recognised as Iron Age salt containers, have been
largely discounted (Edwards and Lane 1988). The small multivallate hillfort of Dinas
Powys (Glam) remains the largest, and the only substantial, published assemblage of
artefactual and ecofactual material from Wales (Alcock 1963a; 1987, v-150). The
reconsiderations of the site by Ewan Campbell (1991) and Ken Dark (1994, 67-9)
have demonstrated that the published phasing with strong multivallation attributed to
the Norman period is wrong. Both the initial simple promontory defence and the
much stronger multivallate phase can be confidently attributed to the fifth – seventh
centuries and the site can be seen to belong to a group of high status sites, such as
Cadbury Congresbury and Tintagel, clustered round the southern Bristol Channel
(Alcock 1995, illus 1.1, 140-53). The addition of Hen Gastell (Neath Port Talbot) to
this group (Wilkinson 1995) represents one of the few rescue archaeological
contributions to our knowledge of these hillforts, though its appearance and location –
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a craggy hilltop strategically sited near the mouth of the River Nedd, a focus for both
land and water communications – is reassuringly familiar. The imported artefacts of
these fifth- to seventh-century sites are now quite well understood and can be dated by
external sequences in the Mediterranean, and radiocarbon and stratigraphic sequences
elsewhere in Britain and Ireland (Campbell 1991). The recognition that glass vessels
were also being imported from the continent has refined dating on a significant
number of sites (Campbell 2000).
The pre-Viking and Viking-period site at Llanbedrgoch (Ang) has provided the first
substantial assemblage for the eighth – tenth centuries when the earlier imports have
ceased (Redknap 2004). The recognition of one roundhouse alongside rectangular
structures in a pre-Viking context, as well as Viking-period houses with clear Irish
Sea parallels, is a very welcome development since clear house plans have been
virtually non-existent in Wales. The crannog at Llan-gors (Powys), a royal site
associated with the kings of Brycheiniog, is securely dated to the late ninth – early
tenth century. However the crannog as a site type remains unique in Wales and
appears to be a one-off high status experiment. Its eroded middens contain a wide
range of artefacts, including an embroidered textile and metalwork (some in Irish
style). This assemblage reflects the high status and tastes of its occupants,
considerably enhancing our understanding of court life and culture in this period, and
will also provide useful comparisons with that from Llanbedrgoch.
Over the last forty years our understanding of distinctive early medieval artefacts has
improved significantly so that sites with few finds but occasional datable objects can
now be recognised more confidently: for example, a class G penannular brooch at
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Drim Camp (Pembs) (Webster 1998), D ware and a Byzantine intaglio at Cefn
Cwmwd (Ang) (Maynard 1999, 55; Denison 2000; pers comm Roger H White) and
the class H penannular from Pant-y-Saer (Ang) (Redknap 1991, 31). The significance
of these sparse finds can be hard to assess but, where backed by radiocarbon or other
scientific dates for features, can indicate activity that may be more than temporary
occupation or casual losses.
Weaknesses
There is little convincing evidence for the continued use of Roman urban or military
sites, including those which remained in occupation during the fourth century. What
might be termed the ‘Wroxeter model’ of continuity has been very influential on the
thinking of early medieval specialists (White, R H and Barker, P, 1998; Dark, K R,
2000, 108-10). However the failure to identify any material assemblages to
accompany the hypothetical Romanised building tradition at Wroxeter (Shrops) has
led to a recent challenge to the published evidence (Fulford 2002). The town of
Caerwent (Mons), in the most Romanised part of Wales, seems to have given its name
to the early medieval kingdom. The Romano-Celtic temple east of the forum was
maintained until the late fourth century but some town houses were abandoned by
then. However activity into the early fifth century is suggested by the cutting of pits
through mosaics and evidence of iron working (e.g. House I.28N) (Brewer 1997, 38-
9). Regular supplies of bronze coin ceased after c 395-402 signalling wider economic
disruption. The general consensus is that the monetary economy had virtually ceased
by the 420s and Caerwent failed to operate as an urban unit beyond the early fifth
century (Brewer 1997, 29-30). The post-Roman burials outside the East Gate and
those from within the town indicate a population in the vicinity but no clear evidence
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of early medieval secular occupation has been recognised in the modern excavations
(Campbell and Macdonald 1994; Edwards and Lane, 1988). Equally, the early
medieval finds from the Roman fort at Caernarfon (Gwynedd) hint at activity in the
area but little more (Edwards and Lane 1988, 115-16). The palisaded enclosure post-
dating the Roman fort at Pen Llystyn (Gwynedd) suggests another class of
unrecognised site, though whether its position is consequential to the fort is unclear
(Edwards and Lane 1988, 102-4).
The difficulty of identifying sites and characteristic early medieval site types is clear.
Within the hundreds of hillfort/defended enclosure sites listed in the later Bronze and
Iron Age sections of the four regional Historic Environment Records there must
undoubtedly be early medieval examples. A number of Iron Age/Romano-British
hillfort/enclosure sites have produced slight evidence of later activity, usually dated
by radiocarbon – Woodside, Dan-y-Coed, Penycoed (Carms), Drim (Pembs)
(Williams and Mytum 1998a, 144-5) and Great Castle Head (Pembs) (Crane 1999) –
but with little structural or associated material culture. There has been little progress
in identifying an early medieval hillfort site type. The most recent attempt, by Ken
Dark (1994, 135-8), has listed a group of inland multivallate promontory forts,
essentially modelled on Dinas Powys, as a potentially distinct early medieval group,
but as yet there is limited evidence to support this suggestion.
Several sites with modern excavations have yet to be published. The early medieval
radiocarbon date and imported E ware at Carew (Pembs) (Campbell 1990) raises the
question of when its multivallate promontory fort was constructed and used. Brawdy
(Pembs) is the type site for Dark’s inland promontory fort model but its important
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sequence from the Iron Age to the medieval period has yet to be published in full
(Dark, K R 2000, 185). Equally only progress reports are available for Llanbedrgoch
(Redknap 2004) and Llan-gors (Redknap and Lane 1994).
Very few sites have been investigated away from the coastal belts of north and south
Wales. New Pieces (Powys) remains a lone dot on the distribution map in Mid Wales
(Edwards and Lane 1988, 97-8) and the absence of the fifth- to seventh-century
imports upriver from the Glamorgan-Somerset line remains a puzzle and a problem
for Gwent as well as the English western counties (Alcock 1995, illus 1.1).
Research Issues and Opportunities
The difficulty in finding sites is the key problem since chance discovery and rescue
archaeology have had limited impact over the last forty years. Therefore the main aim
over the next decade should be to arrive at a point where we are able to recognise a
range of characteristic early medieval settlement types of both high and low status,
have some idea of their chronology and changes in settlement types over time and
some awareness of potential regional differences. It is only then that it will be
possible to ask more sophisticated research questions about the reasons behind such
changes and differences and to interrogate the material evidence for what it might
reveal about Welsh society in the early medieval period.
A clearer understanding of later fourth-century settlements, both Romanised and more
native forms, could provide a valuable starting point. Opportunities should be taken to
explore further the fate of towns and the degree of economic and social disruption. In
the countryside most villas in south-east Wales appear to have been abandoned by the
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mid-fourth century. A similar pattern can be discerned at lower status sites like
Thornwell Farm and Caldicot (Mon) (Hughes, G 1996; Insole 2000, 29). If this
evidence from the south east is confirmed elsewhere in Wales current academic
reluctance to accept the mass abandonment of Roman period rural sites at the end of
the fourth and during the fifth century may have to be overcome. The possibility that
the withdrawal of the Roman army and other specialists, coupled with population
movement on whatever scale, caused significant social and economic upheaval should
not be underestimated. Nevertheless discoveries elsewhere would suggest that late
Roman rural sites in areas of reasonable soils could be productive. The stray finds
from some hut groups, such as Pant-y-Saer and Cefn Cwmwd, and the recent, as yet
unpublished, early medieval radiocarbon dates from the settlement at Arddleen
(Powys) (Grant 2003), show some use, albeit not necessarily continuity.
Although it is clear that hillforts are an early medieval, high status site type occupied
mainly during the fifth to seventh centuries, there are important questions to be
answered concerning recognition, chronology, reuse of older sites or construction of
new ones, structures, functions, economy and the location of such sites in the broader
landscape. The data gathered during the current Cadw-funded Defended Enclosures
Project being carried out by all four Welsh archaeological trusts may help with
recognition of potential sites but this needs to be followed up with more detailed
archaeological investigations, including research excavation. Some targeting of the
inland promontory forts, which may be comparable to Dinas Powys, would allow us
to test the ‘Brawdy’ hypothesis. Investigation of known sites such as Carew and
Gateholm (Pembs) (Edwards and Lane 1988, 70-5) could further refine our models
for site identification. It is also important to note that unenclosed settlements, such as
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Longbury Bank (Pembs) with its quite rich fifth- to seventh-century assemblage
(Campbell and Lane 1993), discovered through chance as a byproduct of Palaeolithic
investigation, suggest that many sites of this kind may remain to be discovered. The
known reuse of early medieval hillforts for later Welsh and Anglo-Norman castles, as
for example at Degannwy (Aberconwy), Dinas Emrys (Gwynedd) and Hen Gastell
may also be a valuable pointer to the presence of other sites (Dark, K R, 1994).
The almost total failure to recognise and investigate Viking-age sites remains striking
but by the twelfth century a variety of settlement types can be identified and the
origins of these should be investigated archaeologically. In particular, many of the
sites of the llysoedd (‘courts’) of the Welsh princes, particularly in Gwynedd
(Johnstone 1997), can now be identified. Excavations at Rhosyr (Ang) uncovered a
range of twelfth- and thirteenth-century buildings (Johnstone 1999) but there was no
opportunity to uncover earlier levels so we do not know whether the origins of such
sites lie in the early medieval period or later. Likewise the sites of some of the
adjacent bond settlements (maerdrefi), such as Neigwl and Ystumgwern (Gwynedd),
have also been identified. Examples should be targeted for archaeological
investigation which might, amongst other things, reveal their origins (Edwards 1997a,
6). Equally, now that Cadw’s Medieval Rural Settlements Project has been completed
(Roberts forthcoming), there is the potential to target abandoned, later medieval
farmsteads on good agricultural land to determine their origins as well as answer other
questions. So far the only site of this type to be excavated using modern techniques
outside areas of Anglo-Norman control is Graeanog (Gwynedd), which seems to have
been established around the twelfth century (Kelly 1982), though there was a
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hutgroup nearby with indications of early medieval occupation (Fasham et al 1998,
155).
Our understanding of early medieval buildings remains sketchy. The further
investigation of known sites, which have rectangular structures, such as Gateholm, as
well as the recent excavation of the timber buildings from the pre-Viking phase of
Llanbedrgoch (Redknap 2004), should help refine our expectations of early medieval
settlements and consequently allow us to recognise the often slight traces which
survive. The possibility that buildings may have little in the way of below ground
structure remains significant, though the recognition in the last decade of several new
house types in Scotland (e.g. Pitcarmick and Easter Kinnear) should act as a prompt
for researchers working on Wales (Foster 1996, 57-8).
The historical sources suggest that Wales did not create the conditions for urbanism in
the early medieval centuries. There is no reason to expect to find a Dublin, a York or
a Chester. A clearer understanding of the scale and longevity of Rhuddlan, which
seems to be an Anglo-Saxon burh, would be desirable, particularly since it was in
Welsh hands by the beginning of the eleventh century (Quinnell and Blockley 1994,
208-13). As yet there is nothing to match the manufacturing and trading activity at
Whithorn (Dumfries and Galloway) but it is worth remembering that prior to
excavation the scale of that site was unknown (Hill, P, 1997). Meols (Ches) provides
a model for what is assumed to be a beach market and the following up of coastal
finds (e.g. Kenfig, Glam, or Castlemartin, Pembs) analogous to Bantham (Devon)
would be desirable (Dark, K R 1994, 91-3; Griffiths 1992).
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One encouraging development in settlement studies comes from the Portable
Antiquities Scheme, the funding of which has recently been secured for the forseeable
future (http://www.finds.org.uk/ ). The database of early medieval metalwork from
Wales has increased significantly since the inception of this scheme, though it
remains small in comparison with England. The potential for artefacts to indicate the
location of settlements is well illustrated by the National Museums & Galleries of
Wales’s recording of finds between 1989-92, crucial to the identification and
excavation of Llanbedrgoch. Where detecting is done carefully on ploughed sites and
accurately reported it is clearly providing information which the archaeological
community should follow up by further exploration, including geophysics, sampling
and where appropriate more extensive excavation. The acidic nature of much of
Wales means that opportunities to excavate sites with good preservation should be
seized even where the sites are not threatened. In this context midden deposits at sites
such as Dinas Powys which have had excavation in the past could profitably be
investigated using modern techniques of recovery and analysis.
It is likely that early medieval sites will continue be found by chance or in the
investigation of other periods. Given how little we know every opportunity should be
taken to follow up such evidence.
ECONOMY, LAND-USE AND THE EXPLOITATION OF LANDSCAPES
AND NATURAL RESOURCES
Current understanding of the economic basis of early medieval society in Wales
neatly encapsulates the difficulties of studying the period as a whole. It is generally
agreed that there was a mixed farming economy (Davies 1982, 31-50), necessarily
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with an emphasis on animal husbandry rather than tillage in less productive areas, and
that the best use of pasture was probably facilitated by transhumance. Other natural
commodities must also have been exploited including woodland, wetland, marine and
mineral resources. In the south the Llandaff charter material indicates the existence of
an established pattern of landed estates (Davies 1978; 1979). The farming economy
must have been sufficiently developed to have produced some surplus in order to
support the life-styles evidenced on the few high-status sites which have been
recognised and where the artefacts include exotic items indicative of long-distance
contacts. Further economic central places similar to Llanbedrgoch probably await
discovery. Yet the economy seems to have been insufficiently developed to promote
the establishment of either larger emporia or towns.
Therefore what little is known suggests an overwhelmingly rural economy based on
farming and exploitation of the landscape with systems of subsistence and small-scale
production, exchange and trade at a variety of levels, local, regional and long
distance. Yet there is precious little direct data to indicate what these systems were,
how they operated and how they shaped the appearance of the surrounding
environment and human landscape. Even where it is possible to ‘see’ major elements
of the early medieval landscape – as, for example, the Offa’s and Wat’s Dyke
systems in the east – there is virtually no knowledge of the contemporary
environmental surroundings of such structures, nor how economic factors and
political control of resources may have featured in the reasons for their construction in
the first place.
Strengths
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Settlement excavations have produced useful snapshot information relating to
economic activity in particular times and places. Though unpublished, the rich
environmental assemblages from Llan-gors (Redknap and Lane 1994) and
Llanbedrgoch (Redknap 2004) are of great significance. Recent analysis of animal
bones from the former has provided evidence for livestock rearing and hunting
(Mulville and Powell in prep). This will allow valuable comparison, not only with the
contemporary assemblage from Llanbedrgoch, but also with the faunal evidence from
the earlier high status site of Dinas Powys (Gilchrist 1988) and later material from
Rhuddlan (Levitan 1994) allowing a broader economic picture to emerge.
Particular environmental niches have also produced important evidence for
subsistence and wider economic exploitation. The best example is the Gwent Levels
(Mon) where areas which had been drained in the Roman period appear to have been
abandoned at the beginning of the early medieval period and only reclaimed with the
advent of the Normans; yet the presence of fish traps datable to the early medieval
period point to continuing specialist activity utilising the particular resources of the
littoral and immediate offshore zones (Rippon 1996). Coastal settlement sites have
generally, as one might expect, produced remains of marine foodstuffs including
shellfish and a range of fish species (Brassil 1987).
In terms of wider industrial activity, exploitation of mineral resources is represented
by early medieval radiocarbon dates from the vicinity of the mines on the Great Orme
(Aberconwy) (Lewis 1994), Copa Hill (Cere) (Timberlake and Mighall 1992), Pen
Cerrig y Mwyn (Carms) and possibly Pen Dylife (Powys) (Timberlake 2003, 33, 39).
There is also smithing debris from Abernant, Kemeys Inferior (Newport) (Tuck et al
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2001) and evidence of metalworking and production activity from Dinas Powys, Llan-
gors and Llanbedrgoch. In line with this, typological evidence suggests that some
metal artefacts – such as pennanular brooches of post-Roman type (Fowler, E 1963;
Dickinson 1982) – are of local manufacture. Susan Youngs (in litt) has drawn
attention to a comparatively rare type of penannular brooch with spatulate terminals
and stamped decoration, and its probable western British origins. Found in Wales, for
example at Kenfig Burrows (Glam) (Lethbridge and David 1928), and in the Marches,
it is attributed to the second half of the sixth or early seventh century. Fragmentary
Anglo-Saxon objects from Dinas Powys (Graham-Campbell 1991) and Dinorben
(Savory 1971, 133) imply some sort of contact and/or trading with the Anglo-Saxon
world. The apparent concentration of Anglo-Saxon metalwork in south-east Wales
illustrates the wider cultural landscape for the Dinas Powys assemblage, and the
diffusion of objects from England from the sixth century, if not earlier (Redknap
forthcoming). Such finds may reflect the influence and political liaisons of kings of
south-east Wales and the dynasty of Meurig ap Tewdrig with Anglo-Saxon kingdoms
during this period.
In addition to local exchange and trading activity, evidence for commercial contacts
further afield – and with the Mediterranean and France in particular – is provided in
the fifth to seventh centuries by imported pottery and glass from several high status
sites, notably Dinas Powys (Alcock 1963a). This material parallels that from other
high status settlements elsewhere in western Britain and Ireland (Campbell 1991;
1996; 2000), and perhaps represents continuation or renewal of trading activity along
the Western seaboard first established during the Roman period. Such high status
goods contrast sharply with the apparent cessation of local pottery production with
later Anglo-Saxon types (St Neots and Chester wares) from the tenth-century burh at
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Rhuddlan (Quinnell et al 1994), Llanbedrgoch (Redknap 2000, 64) and Monmouth
(Clarke 1991, 29; Marvell 2001, 86) among the few diagnostically early medieval
ceramics known from Wales. In the Viking period there are also silver hoards and
coin hoards (Dykes 1976; Boon 1987) the contents of which are indicative of Wales’s
place in the wider Viking economic world, while the finds from Llanbedrgoch are
clearly part of a Viking Irish Sea network.
Weaknesses
In essence, the present picture is mostly derived from only a few sites and local
contexts leaving major chronological and spatial gaps in our knowledge; it is also
biased towards an unrepresentative sample of specialised and/or high status sites.
Moreover, much of that material is actually of a fairly limited nature. We may, for
example, have radiocarbon dates suggesting early medieval activity at prehistoric
mining sites, but the structural evidence relating to it is minimal.
In overall terms then, we know little of the character and development through time of
the early medieval economy, or of the particular patterns of exploitation of different
landscape zones. Beyond work that has been done within limited site-based analyses,
there has, as yet, been very little broader based pollen analysis to inform a picture of
the wider environment of the period (Dark, P 2000, 149-50, 165; Davies 2001). The
only exception is the study of Tregaron Bog (Cere) which suggested a reduction in
pastoral farming and tillage and woodland regeneration during the early middle ages
(Morriss 2001; Hughes, P D M et al 2001).5 Alongside this, it is still not possible to
see the physical organisation of the landscape. For example (and in evident contrast to
5
We are grateful to Astrid Caseldine for bringing this research to our attention.
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the proceeding and succeeding periods) there is, apart from that predating the Norman
motte at Hen Domen (Powys) (Barker and Lawson 1971; Fowler, P 2002, 152-3), a
complete absence of field systems certainly dating to (or in use during) the early
medieval period. Similarly, beyond fragmentary evidence that industrial and trading
activity was happening, there is no developed sense of how such processes were
controlled and organised and how they contributed to wider political and social
activity.
Research Issues and Opportunities
In order to improve our knowledge and understanding of the early medieval
environment we need to identify a more complete data sample on which to base our
analysis. Although this may include further investigation on the limited number of
known settlement sites with good environmental evidence and setting them in a
broader landscape context, the identification of a wider range of settlements of the
period is a priority (see above) with the systematic recording and analysis of the range
of environmental data those sites might yield. Similarly, there is an evident
opportunity to continue the broad based research within particular landscape contexts
which have already yielded high quality environmental data relating to the period
(such as the Gwent Levels), and to exploit the chance (in tandem with study of other
periods) to identify and explore other niche environments (for example within upland
peat and lowland wetland contexts). It is also worth noting that riverine and coastal
environments have produced early medieval finds in landscapes comparable to parts
of Wales in Scotland and Ireland, and the potential here – for example to identify and
explore marine midden deposits – appears considerable.
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The incidence of radiocarbon dates implying an early medieval component to sites
primarily being investigated in connection with other periods (both earlier and later)
suggests another significant research opportunity to broaden our understanding of the
early medieval environment and economy. However rarity of diagnostic early
medieval artefacts means that full sequences of radiocarbon dates will be an important
tool in recognising such an early medieval component to known ancient landscapes.
The early medieval radiocarbon dates for mining sites (see above) are an obvious case
in point, and further research into the detailed nature of the activity associated with
these dates is a priority.
Another area where significant opportunities are likely is in the study of metal
artefacts. The impact of metal detecting, and more especially from an archaeological
research point view, of the Portable Antiquities Scheme as a mechanism for getting
such finds into the record, promises (for all the issues that come with detecting) to
generate a significantly increased sample of material. The challenge here will be to
capitalise on this growing database. Some cataloguing and synthesis of this metalwork
has already demonstrated the potential for valuable insights into mechanisms of
production and the scale of exchange (Redknap forthcoming); further recording and
specialist studies are essential to increase our understanding of the economy.
Similarly, further research on intrusive pottery would be valuable, notably on the late
fourth-century Calcite-gritted wares imported from the East Midlands (the latest
pottery found at Wroxeter) which have a largely coastal distribution in south Wales.
A co-ordinated programme of palaeo-environmental work/pollen sampling across
Wales is of the greatest importance since it has the power to generate significant
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insights into the effects of climate deterioration and amelioration and local and
regional patterns of vegetation succession and change, as well as demonstrating the
particular nature of plant resources available at a given place and time. Clearly such a
research programme is of broader interest than just the early medieval period, though
particular monuments – for example coastal middens such as Twlc Point (Pembs) and
Offa’s and Wat’s Dykes – may additionally preserve sealed environmental deposits
offering specific insights into the early medieval environment. Work currently in hand
by the Clwyd-Powys Archaeological Trust (with funding from Cadw) to investigate
the short dykes of mid Wales is already yielding quality information of this kind
(Hankinson 1993).
Framing these opportunities are – given the current state of knowledge – some very
basic research questions. What was the wider environmental context of the early
medieval landscape? What was the detail and nature of early medieval patterns of
industrial activity, exchange and trade? How were local systems of agricultural
production organised, and what did they consist of? What use – for both subsistence
and other aspects of economic production – was made of the range of different
environments across Wales? If the end point of such questions is to inform additional
analysis of how economic patterns influenced – and were influenced by – processes
of early medieval social, political and cultural interaction, it is perhaps too early as yet
to begin to phrase that next tier of enquiry in any informed way. Failure to build on
and peer through the current fragmented evidence to develop more sophisticated
models and understanding of the early medieval economy will only result in a vicious
circle where poor knowledge begets a vague and unsuccessful research focus and
hence continuing poor knowledge.
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ECCLESIASTICAL SITES, CEMETERIES AND SCULPTURE
Though scarcely glimpsed archaeologically, the origins of Christianity in Wales lie in
the Roman period, but how widespread or effective it had become by 400 is open to
debate and certainly remains to be demonstrated. Nevertheless the development of the
early Christian church is one of the most fundamental historical processes of the early
medieval centuries. During the fifth and sixth centuries evidence on some of the
inscribed stones suggests the spread of Christianity, at least amongst the upper
echelons of society, and it is likely that during the sixth century many of the major
monastic sites were founded. Around the eighth(?) century there may have been a
gradual shift from burial in kin cemeteries to burial associated with ecclesiastical sites
which eventually became parish churches and chapels of ease; in addition some early
cemeteries developed into local church sites. Some minor churches may have been
connected with landed estates. Over the last few years there have been some major
advances enabling recognition and increased understanding of early medieval
ecclesiastical sites in Wales (Edwards and Lane 1992; Edwards 1996); however,
remarkably little archaeological excavation has taken place. In contrast, excavations
of cemeteries have been more widespread and several significant sites have been
investigated. There has also been renewed interest in the important corpus of early
medieval inscribed stones and stone sculpture (Nash-Williams 1950).
Ecclesiastical Sites
Strengths
Completion in 2004 of the pan-Wales Cadw Early Medieval Ecclesiastical Sites
Project carried out by the four Welsh archaeological trusts may be seen as an
important landmark (articles summarising the major results will appear in Edwards
forthcoming b). For the first time relevant archaeological and documentary evidence
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for the identification of a hierarchy of early medieval ecclesiastical sites has been
systematically gathered, checked by fieldwork and evaluated allowing
recommendations for scheduling and an appropriate response when the archaeology is
threatened. It also provides a vital base-line for the development of a research strategy
for the future.
Weaknesses
It is possible to identify the locations of almost all the major ecclesiastical sites noted
in the early medieval sources, for example St Davids (Pembs), Llantwit Major (Glam)
and Clynnog Fawr (Gwynedd), though Bangor-on-Dee (Wrexham), the important
early monastery mentioned by Bede (Ecc Hist II.2; Sherley-Price 1990, 106-7),
remains a notable exception. However, the first documentary reference to a site is
often centuries after its likely foundation. Moreover not a single major ecclesiastical
site has undergone any significant programme of modern archaeological exploration
and excavation. This is partly because of the continuity of Christian worship on
almost all these sites up to the present. Nevertheless the situation contrasts greatly
with that elsewhere in Britain and Ireland where a significant number of important
excavations on major ecclesiastical sites have taken place over the last forty years.
Although some of these, for example Clonmacnoise (King 1992; 1998a; 1998b; 2003;
Moore, F, 1996) and Portmahomack (Carver 2004), have been on ruinous sites,
others, such as Whithorn (Hill, P, 1997), Monkwearmouth and Jarrow (Cramp 1969)
and Winchester (Biddle and Quirk 1962) have been located adjacent to the present
buildings.
With the notable exceptions of Burry Holms (Swansea), an island site which remains
unpublished (RCAHMW 1976, no 821, fig 5), Capel Maelog (Powys), an abandoned
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chapel (Britnell 1990), Pennant Melangell (Powys), which underwent targeted
excavation during major church renovation (Britnell 1994) and the redundant church
at Llanychlwydog (Pembs) (Murphy 1987), the same lack of modern archaeological
investigation is true for smaller ecclesiastical sites in Wales. Although a proportion of
these local churches and chapels have been abandoned, many are on the sites of
present parish churches and chapels of ease. Such sites, with the exception of those,
mainly in south-east Wales, which are noted in the Llandaff charter material (Davies
1978; 1979), seldom appear in the documentary record before the thirteenth century
and have otherwise been identified through a combination of indicators, some more
reliable than others. These include the presence of early medieval sculpture,
characteristic burials, sometimes dated by radiocarbon, curvilinear enclosures, holy
wells and church dedications (Edwards 1996). A further problem is the lack of pre-
Romanesque church fabric in Wales with the exception of the Anglo-Saxon outlier at
Presteigne (Powys (Taylor and Taylor 1965, ii, 497-9).
Research Issues and Opportunities
Having identified a range of definite and likely ecclesiastical sites, future research
should be formulated to answer some fundamental but very basic questions.
Interdisciplinary research is essential but archaeological investigation should play a
leading role. Firstly, what are the origins, patterns of development and chronology of
early medieval ecclesiastical sites in Wales and how do these relate to the emergence
of the parish system? Secondly, what can archaeological excavation tell us about
structures and other features associated with individual early medieval ecclesiastical
sites in Wales, their layout, spatial patterning and associated functions? Thirdly, how
do individual sites fit into the broader picture – not only ecclesiastical hierarchies and
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landscapes, including estates, but also the relationship between church sites and the
pattern of secular settlement? It is only when we begin to answer these questions that
we shall be able to compare and contrast the archaeological evidence for the early
medieval Welsh church with that in other parts of Britain and beyond.
Having identified the sites, the essential next step over the next decade or so is for
carefully focussed research programmes directed towards answering these questions.
Small-scale rescue excavations and watching briefs are unlikely to produce significant
breakthroughs. To begin with a small number of sites, both major and minor and in
different parts of Wales, which have already been identified as having major potential,
should be targeted for systematic programmes of non-destructive archaeological
exploration of both the sites themselves and their surrounding landscapes using aerial
photography, geophysical survey and the study of map evidence. Where appropriate
these should be followed up with carefully targeted excavations to test the
stratigraphy, the survival potential for environmental evidence and human bone, and
to obtain dating evidence. These sites are likely to include examples, such as St
Arfans (Mons), where the focus of the site may have shifted slightly (Redknap
forthcoming), sites long abandoned, such as Llanfihangel Ysgeifiog (Ang), and both
working and redundant churches undergoing major repair programmes as these arise.
Modest, carefully focused research programmes on complex sites and their landscape
settings and the development of these over time, for example Llantwit Major (Glam)
or Clynnog Fawr (Gwynedd), also have the potential to yield valuable evidence.
When the results of such research programmes have been analysed, the opportunity
should then be taken to conduct one or two larger research excavations on contrasting
sites already identified as having significant archaeological remains. It is recognised
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that the active support and involvement of church and local communities is essential
to the success of such projects, as has been demonstrated at Whithorn and
Portmahomack in Scotland. It is also relevant to note the potential for heritage and
other development opportunities and the archaeological funding which these might
release.
Cemeteries
Strengths
Over the last thirty-five years there has been an increasing number of significant
cemetery excavations in different parts of Wales, some of which have yet to reach
final publication. These include undeveloped sites such as Caer Bayvil (Pembs)
(James 1987), Plas Gogerddan (Powys) (Murphy 1992), Tandderwen (Denbs) (Brassil
et al 1991) Capel Eithin (White, S I and Smith, G, 1999), Arfryn and Tŷ Mawr (Ang)
and the Atlantic Trading Estate (Glam) (James 1992, 96-8); developed but abandoned
chapel sites such as Capel Maelog (Powys) and Capel Ffraid (Ang) (Davidson 2002;
2003); and Bangor (Gwynedd) (Longley 1995) and Llandough (Cardiff) (Thomas, A
and Holbrook, N 1994) which are within or adjacent to major church sites. Early
medieval radiocarbon dates have also been obtained for skeletons from early
excavations at the Roman villa at Llantwit Major (Redknap and Roberts in prep).
Atlantic Trading Estate, Llandough and Capel Ffraid (Ang) are particularly important
because of good bone preservation, unusual in the acid soils of Wales. At Llandough
detailed research has been done on the palaeopathology of the large skeletal
assemblage (Loe 2003; forthcoming) and at Capel Ffraid a programme of DNA
testing has also been carried out.
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Research Issues and Opportunities
Some longstanding research questions remain to be answered but the increasing
amount of data also makes it possible to formulate new questions. Undoubtedly the
most pressing is the need for a better understanding of dating and chronology. The
number of radiocarbon dates is gradually increasing. However, we also need to
discover the origins of undeveloped inhumation cemeteries and how long they
remained in use, the origins of particular grave types, notably long cists in west
Wales, and when they were finally abandoned, and the pattern of growth of individual
cemeteries. It is particularly important to break down the traditional boundary
between the Roman and early medieval periods. This would allow regional
differences to be identified and questions answered about the possibility of the
survival or revival of some Iron Age traditions in the later Roman or post-Roman
centuries and the relationship of some early medieval cemeteries to prehistoric
monuments. Equally, can cemetery locations and burial rites tell us anything about
conversion to Christianity? Breakthroughs in palaeopathology and the scientific
analysis of human bone, including DNA and oxygen and strontium isotope analysis,
offer exciting opportunities for addressing questions about the health of the early
medieval population of Wales, their family groupings, place of origin and ethnic
identity.
In order to make progress in answering these questions, firstly the data from the
increasing number of modern excavations needs to be systematically gathered and
interrogated alongside the reassessment of older material on a pan-Wales basis taking
in the later Roman period as well as the early medieval centuries. Secondly,
opportunities should be taken to assess the archaeological potential of possible early
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medieval cemetery sites, including sites already identified or investigated before the
availability of scientific dating, and to obtain further radiocarbon dates. However, it
should be remembered that graves seldom show up in geophysical surveys, only
enclosures and boundaries, and in eastern Wales it has proved particularly difficult to
identify potential early medieval cemeteries because long-cist graves are rare. Where
opportunities arise for more extensive work priority should be given to sites with
good bone survival and, if total excavation is not possible, the investigation of
significant areas to include peripheries and boundaries and the landscape context.
Only major excavations of individual sites with a representative number of
radiocarbon determinations can hope to identify the size of the cemetery population,
the type of community represented, changes over time and how long it was in use.
Sculpture
Strengths
Over 500 examples of early medieval inscribed stones and pieces of stone sculpture
have now been identified in Wales. These are an unrivalled source of epigraphic,
linguistic and artistic information which can tell us, not only about the development of
Christianity in Wales, but also about society, identity and cultural (including Irish
Sea, English, Continental and Scandinavian) connections. The complete publication
of the new Corpus of Early Medieval Inscribed Stones and Stone Sculpture in Wales
(Redknap and Lewis 2005; Edwards 2005; forthcoming a) will therefore be an
important milestone. Research by Sims-Williams (2002; 2003) on the language of the
stones has independently reviewed the dating and cultural significance of the
inscriptions while that of Tedeschi on the epigraphy (1995; 2001; forthcoming) and
Charles-Edwards (2000) has revealed important evidence of Roman period origins for
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the scripts and the British contribution to the evolution of Insular scripts. The recent
establishment by Cadw of a National Committee for Recording and Protection of
Early Medieval Inscribed Stones and Stone Sculpture should also be noted.
Research Issues and Opportunities
The Corpus includes discussion of the discovery and context of each monument. As a
result a small number of monuments, for example Llanfaelog 1 (Ang), Gelli-Gaer
(Cefn-Gelli Gaer) 1 (Merthyr Tydfil), Maen Achwyfan (Flints), may be identified as
probably in situ while others, such as Penbryn 1 (Cere), Fishguard South 1 (Pembs)
and the Pillar of Eliseg (Denbs), are at or very close to their original sites and the
earliest recorded locations of a significant number of others can be pinpointed. Many
others have been found during church restoration, grave-digging or built into
churchyard walls strongly suggesting their original association with these sites and
indicating their early medieval use. The archaeological investigation, including
excavation, of the known contexts of a small number of inscribed stones and their
landscape settings, where these are apparently unassociated with church sites, would
be particularly valuable since this might finally resolve the issue of whether they
actually marked graves and the significance of associations with cemeteries,
prehistoric monuments and/or Roman roads. Multidisciplinary investigation of the
context of some other monuments, for example the cross known as Maen Achwyfan
(Nash-Williams 1950, no 190) where some archaeological investigation of the
surrounding landscape has already been carried out (pers comm David Griffiths),
should be seen as part of projects to ensure their future preservation and display. The
legacy of early medieval sculptural traditions in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries
and the implications of this also merit research.
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SOCIAL AND CULTURAL CONTINUITY, CHANGE AND CONFLICT
What was the pattern of relationship and interaction between different political and
cultural groups in the early medieval period and what was the extent and influence of
incursion and/or settlement by incoming Irish, Scandinavians and Anglo-Saxons? At
the end of the period what was the nature of the transition to Norman administration?
Documentary sources for the early medieval period in Wales have been instrumental
in shaping archaeological and other research on subjects such as Roman survival, the
evolution of kingdoms, the impact of Irish settlement at the end of the Roman period
and its continuing cultural influence, the effects of Viking raiding and other activities,
both in the Irish Sea and elsewhere, and changing relations with the Anglo-Saxons
and their increasing pressure in the border regions. The study of place-names and
language has also played a significant role. Archaeologically, with the exception of
the Viking phase of the settlement at Llanbedrgoch (Ang) (Redknap 2004), the
Anglo-Saxon burh at Cledemutha (Rhuddlan, Denbs) (Quinnell and Blockley 1994;
Manley 1987) and Llan-gors crannog (Powys) (Redknap and Lane 1994) which
demonstrates Irish influence however indirectly, external influences on settlements
have proved very difficult to identify. Offa’s, Wat’s and the Short Dykes, however,
are monuments of great significance which have the potential to shed considerable
light on English/Welsh border relations in this period. Otherwise we are dependent on
identifying distinctive artefacts indicative of potential Irish, Anglo-Saxon or Viking
activity and/or influence and trying to tease out the nature of the human contacts
which lie behind them.
Irish Settlement and Cultural Contact
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There is an ongoing debate amongst early medieval archaeologists (e.g. Campbell
2001) (as there is amongst prehistorians) as to how we can use material evidence to
distinguish between cultural influence and significant population movement.
However, there seems no reason to question the long held view that at least some Irish
influx took place in Wales at the end of the Roman period in the kingdom of Dyfed
and to a lesser extent elsewhere, notably Brycheiniog. Archaeologically, this is
supported by the presence of ogam-inscribed memorial stones, a handful of which are
monolingual. Finds of ornamental metalwork which appear to be of Irish type
probably indicate cultural and economic contacts rather than settlement (though
concentrations of such metalwork might be significant); there are no indications that
Irish colonists lived in distinctive settlement types and wattle roundhouses are a
feature of both sides of the Irish Sea.
It may, however, be possible to make progress by addressing broader research
questions. Firstly, a reassessment of the concept of the ‘Irish Sea Province’ (Moore,
D, 1970) and the changing nature and intensity of contacts around the Irish Sea in the
early medieval period might prove illuminating. Similarly comparison could usefully
be made with such contacts during earlier and later periods, notably the Bronze and
Iron Ages and later middle ages. Secondly, research on the inscribed stones and stone
sculpture of northern Pembrokeshire (Edwards 2005) has revealed the significance of
cultural and other contacts around and across the Irish Sea throughout the period. This
strongly suggests that northern Pembrokeshire was the area of most intense Irish
settlement at the end of the Roman period (Thomas, C 1994), but this now needs to be
investigated further, perhaps as part of wider landscape archaeological surveys in the
area.
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Viking Activity
Over the last twenty years there has been an increasing awareness of the Viking
impact, including some settlement in the ninth and tenth centuries, in Anglesey and
possibly Arfon in the north west and in Tegeingl (Flints) in the north east, as well as
the importance of the trade route between Dublin and Chester and on to York and
wider economic contacts around the Irish Sea (Davies 1990, 48-60; Edwards 1999;
Loyn 1976). The settlement at Llanbedrgoch (Ang) is of international significance.
This situation contrasts with the evidence from the south west where the presumption
of settlement, probably later in the tenth and eleventh centuries with the rise of Bristol
as a trading port, is largely based on place-names (Richards 1975; Charles 1998, i,
xxxiv-xxxvii; Loyn 1976, 20). Archaeological evidence for this pattern is confined to
occasional artefacts and some examples of Viking-influenced sculpture (Redknap
2000). For the future major questions still remain concerning the nature, extent and
date of Viking settlements, as well as the impact of other contacts, cultural, economic
and violent.
Some areas for future research can be suggested. Firstly, as already demonstrated at
Llanbedrgoch, clusters of Viking-age metalwork may be indicative of settlement and
therefore steps should be taken for exploratory archaeological investigation and more
major excavation where appropriate. Secondly, multi-period research on the
landscapes of ports, harbours and landing beaches, as well as maritime routes, might
shed further light on economic activity at this time. For example, at Llanddewi Aber-
arth (Cere) a Viking-style hogback is located in the church overlooking the mouth of
the Arth and an associated beach (Edwards 2005) and at Laugharne (Carms), which is
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located on the west side of the Taf estuary, there are both Viking-influenced sculpture
and late Anglo-Saxon coins (Dykes 1976, 20, 27). Further study of the contexts of
Viking-age hoards might also prove rewarding. Further archaeological investigation
of Buttington (Powys), particularly in the vicinity of the church and its environs,
should also be carried out in order to determine whether this was the site of the joint
English/Welsh victory in 893 over a Danish army after a prolonged siege (Redknap
2000, 32-5). The opportunity for further investigation might be taken prior to the
proposed development of an industrial estate in the village. However, radiocarbon
dating of skeletal evidence from charnel pits in the churchyard has proved to be of
post-medieval date (Redknap and Roberts in prep). The completion of a full
programme of radiocarbon dating and scientific analysis of the surviving skeletal
evidence from the few presumed Viking burials in Wales would also be instructive
(Redknap 2000, 94-8; Redknap and Roberts in prep; Dane, Edwards and Roberts in
prep).
Relations with the Anglo-Saxon Kingdoms
Offa’s, Wat’s and the Short Dykes
Offa’s and Wat’s Dykes, which straddle the border between England and Wales, are
amongst the most substantial monuments of the early medieval period in Britain; they
have the potential to provide key evidence of the evolving relationship between the
Anglo-Saxons and the Welsh. They were the subject of pioneering fieldwork by Cyril
Fox (1955) and further research by Frank Noble (1983). Over the last thirty or more
years there has been an extensive programme of multidisciplinary research and
archaeological investigation known as the Offa’s Dyke Project, which, though as yet
unpublished, has done much to clarify the course and character of Offa’s and Wat’s
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Dykes (Hill, D, 2000; Hill, D and Worthington, M, 2003) and provides an important
base-line for future research. A Cadw-funded research project has also been initiated
to investigate the Short Dykes.
Nevertheless, there are still major research questions to be answered. Firstly, much
still needs to be done to elucidate the dating and chronology of the dykes. On the
basis of the historical evidence (Asser), there seems no reason to doubt that Offa’s
Dyke was built during Offa’s reign (757-95), but the dating of Wat’s Dyke and all the
Short Dykes remains uncertain. The only radiocarbon date from Wat’s Dyke, which
centres on the fifth century (cal AD 411-561, 1 sigma; cal AD 268-630, 2 sigma;
Hannerford 1997), came from a hearth underneath the dyke and therefore only
provides a terminus postquem. Secondly, there are still questions to be answered
about the line of Offa’s Dyke, particularly its presence or absence across
Herefordshire, which is crucial to understanding its significance in Powys. Thirdly,
many aspects of the varying earthwork and other constructional features still need to
be clarified, especially the presence or absence of entrances and palisades and the
complexity of Offa’s Dyke. Fourthly, scant work has been done on the landscape
context of the dykes since Fox, and we have little idea of the environments they
passed through or how they related to established settlement patterns. It is only when
we have a better understanding of the above questions that the functions of the various
dykes can be satisfactorily resolved: though the general context of Offa’s Dyke
suggests that it marked a boundary between Mercia and the Welsh kingdoms, there
are still conflicting interpretations about its function(s) ranging from defence to treaty
marker.
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Progress towards answering these questions should be made as part of a long-term
conservation plan for the dyke systems involving heritage bodies on both sides of the
modern border. Firstly, where the lines of the dykes are still unclear, these need to be
clarified using aerial photography, geophysical survey and trial excavation where
appropriate. Secondly, the large number of small sections across Offa’s and Wat’s
Dykes have been unable to answer many of the most pressing questions so
opportunities should be sought for a small number of larger rescue and/or research
excavations with accompanying landscape and palaeoenvironmental research.
Whether or not there were palisades is a matter of some urgency since parts of the
Offa’s Dyke Footpath run along the tops of the dykes. Every opportunity should also
be taken to collect samples for radiocarbon dating in order to try and build up a better
picture of dating and chronology; this is particularly important for Wat’s Dyke and
the Short Dykes.
Other Evidence
The only archaeological evidence of definite Anglo-Saxon settlement in Wales is the
burh at Cledemutha (Rhuddlan, Denbs) briefly established by King Edward the Elder
in 921, which was intensively investigated in the early 1970s with some work since
(Quinnell and Blockley 1994; Manley 1987). There is also tantalising evidence from
Monmouth which points to structures pre-dating the early Norman defences (Clarke
2001). Further opportunities to investigate these sites should be taken where
appropriate. Otherwise the Anglo-Saxon influenced vegetal ornament on the crosses
at Penally (Edwards 2005) and the pieces of Anglo-Saxon ornamental metalwork
from Dinas Powys (Graham-Campbell 1991) have been found in obviously Welsh
contexts, where they are indicative of cultural contacts (see above). However chance
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discoveries of Anglo-Saxon ornamental metalwork are now increasingly found as the
result the Portable Antiquities Scheme. Links between Wales and Anglo-Saxon
England are reflected in this material, though the basis for an assessment of
acculturation remains statistically weak. The scattering in Monmouthshire, an
obviously border area, may be indicative of Anglo-Saxon settlement and there are
also finds from coastal areas of the Vale of Glamorgan. The contexts of these finds
need to be more closely investigated, especially where there are concentrations.
RECOMMENDATIONS AND CONCLUSIONS
This discussion has demonstrated that over the last twenty-five years or so some
significant advances have been made in our understanding of the archaeology of early
medieval Wales, most notably in the identification and archaeological investigation of
a handful of settlement sites, the recognition of a hierarchy of ecclesiastical sites and
the excavation of around fifteen cemeteries. However, many of the most basic
questions remain to be answered. This is because of the continuing invisibility of
much of the archaeology, particularly a range of characteristic settlement types and
the paucity of artefacts except on high status sites. It has also been shown that, with
the exception of cemeteries, remarkably few discoveries have been made through
rescue archaeology.
This discussion has therefore emphasised the need for increased data obtained through
carefully developed research programmes of archaeological investigation, some of
which will fall within the scope of multi-period projects. The importance of an
interdisciplinary input at all stages should be emphasised.
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The following should be given priority:
• Identification of potential early medieval sites, particularly secular settlements,
through collation and assessment of new and existing information sources.
• Confirmation of potential early medieval sites through fieldwork, trial
excavation and the application of dating techniques.
• Full archaeological investigation and characterisation of a sample of
identifiable early medieval sites, both secular and ecclesiastical, in different
regions, through fieldwork and excavation, and an understanding of their
location in the wider landscape, both physical and temporal.
• Detailed analysis of early medieval artefacts and their contexts and
characterisation of site assemblages.
• Identification and analysis of environmental evidence from excavated samples
and increased pollen sampling.
• Analysis of human remains for information on origins, demography, health,
nutrition and transfer of pathogens.
• Improving understanding of the chronological framework for the period
through the application of all available methods and increased use of
radiocarbon dating, especially on multi-period sites.
• Engaging with relevant research on early medieval material culture elsewhere
in Britain and Ireland thereby setting the evidence from Wales within a
broader context.
With advances in these areas, there will be increased opportunities to address broader
issues including:
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• Establishing a hierarchy of secular settlement types in a broader landscape,
analysing regional and chronological differences and considering the
implications for an increased understanding of early medieval society in
Wales.
• Constructing a better understanding of the economy: organisation and
exploitation of land and resources, the impact of climate and other changes on
the landscape, craftworking and mechanisms of exchange and trade.
• Gaining insights into the chronology and process of Christian conversion, the
evolution and changing functions of religious sites and the broader impact of
these on the landscape and early medieval society in Wales.
• Building increased understanding of the changing relationships and
mechanisms of contact between different parts of Wales with England, the
Irish Sea zone and further afield, as well as the survival of Romano-British
culture and the Viking impact.
Such recommendations necessarily raise important funding implications, not only for
the investigation and excavation of the sites themselves, but also for dealing with
conservation, post-excavation research and prompt publication of the results. Here it
is envisaged that modest research funding to initiate projects of archaeological
investigation, if successful, would then be able to attract funding from a wider range
of sources which are likely to include partnerships (including those with heritage and
tourism) and community participation.
References
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